Insecurity and political perversion in Libya destroyed by NATO

Libya: the fragile security and perversion of politics

The Libyan was great ampersand, dignity and sovereignty. On March 19 , 2013 mercenaries and traitors celebrated the destruction of Libya by the barbarians of NATO and the U.S..

Eighteen months after the fall of Muammar Gaddafi, the Libyan militia violence continues to plague and the economy is in a moribund state. The development prospects of the country are being hampered by the fragmented nature of its government, which has no constitutional legitimacy.

Libyan Revolution officially ended on October 23, 2011, three days after the assassination of former dictator in his hometown of Sirte. The country, it seems, had a bright future: it has large oil reserves in Africa, $ 170 billion in foreign assets, and only six million citizens. The State, therefore, has the financial capacity to build houses, hospitals, schools, roads and power plants, and to create jobs to help demobilize militias.

Handicapped by their own divisions, however, the new government of Libya, which was sworn in October 2012, has yet to advance the construction of a modern state bodies. A decision by Congress in February General’s Office to hold direct elections to choose a committee to draft the constitution of Libya will be delayed a year timetable for the transition to democracy.

Outbreaks of violence continue in much of the country. Perpetuated largely by the government’s failure to convince the militants for the state to impose a monopoly on police and military functions.

In western Libya, some of the battles of the eight-month rebellion continue: former rebel and pro-Gaddafi militias are engaged in sporadic fighting near the city of Zawiya refinery, 50 km west of Tripoli, and about Zuwara on the Tunisian border. Tension is high around the former pro-Gadhafi stronghold of Bani Walid after pro-government forces defeated local militias for control in November.

Meanwhile, gasoline smuggling gangs in Tunisia clash frequently. Major cities in southern Sabha and Kufra remain tense after battles between Arab and Tuareg tribes, partly motivated by rivalry for smuggling weapons and drugs out of the country, and people move in the opposite direction. In Tripoli, west of the city is plagued by thefts of vehicles, especially for vehicles owned by the small foreign business community. British, Dutch and American cars embassies have been kidnapped in recent months.

In eastern Libya, Jihadism is an additional source of instability. Five months after Islamist militants stormed the U.S. consulate in Benghazi, killing the ambassador Christopher Stevens, and three other U.S. justice officials say no one has been charged with the crime. According to city officials, who had 18 staff positions in the Gaddafi government, including the police chief, were killed in 2012.

Libya is a home to over 500 different militias, with 230 enrolled in the third largest city, Misurata, alone. Most operate as quasi-police units without a political agenda, but the fragmentation of security means no police means criminals.

Victory in the rebellion of 2011, of the provincial forces in Benghazi, Misurata and Zintan more loyal to Gaddafi in Tripoli raised expectations among regional politicians and militias allied attributed more power to them. This led to tensions with central government lacks the constitutional framework to guide its administrative process.

The two most powerful militias, based in Misurata and Zintan, respectively, are under the control of the city authorities, and resistant to government control. They form the core of the “Shield of Libya, an alliance of former rebel militias organized in three divisions that share a nominally pro-government position.

The government security forces are disparate. There are some police units in Tripoli and Benghazi, and a small national army, which is composed of Gaddafi-era officials and distrust of many rebels. A much larger Gendarmerie, the Special Committee on Security, which add up to 80,000, was disbanded after allegations of irregularities and kidnappings by some units. Most of the strength of the SSC is extracted from the militias who have aligned with the SSC as formed units, taking wages, but remained largely autonomous.

With only a small army of its own, the government is obliged to negotiate with Shield forces to intervene in local conflicts. Often, this has been a success, with ‘peacekeepers deployed in Bani Walid Shield, Kufra, Sirte and Sabha. Zintan militia units have also strengthened the government’s security forces guarding the oil and gas southwest on the border with Algeria. However, Shield units being a law unto themselves Misurata Shield led forces captured in Bani Walid November 2012 with support from the government, but with an operation and a schedule dictated by the units and not by the national chief of the State Mayor, Yousef Mangoush.

Obstacles to development

After taking power in a 1969 coup, Gaddafi had imposed an eccentric structure in pre-revolution Libyan economy. His children were endowed with their own business empires, including monopolies in the mobile phone industry and cement production. Its operations were unencumbered by legal or regulatory barriers. Some businessmen, who have links with Gaddafi tribal or family, enjoyed a privileged status in the accrual of benefits and allowed to hold shares in banks control Libyans. Government regulators and courts, both civil and criminal, were subject to political direction from the top. Gaddafi security organization, the Legion Thoria, used his privileged position as guardian of the state to enrich themselves through business and extortion. All this has left Libya without the administrative, regulatory or legal requirements to keep a modern state.

An IMF report published in April 2012 highlighted the need for private sector jobs as high priority, arguing that with high unemployment and more than half of the Libyans under 30 years, oil revenues alone could not sustain the country. He called for 100,000 private sector jobs will be created annually. (****Sorry guys once the IMF comes in it will never get out all you poor Libyan devils that you believe that with your oil everything will be paid off and you will be ok! Ha ha think again! IMF is collecting it under your nose and you my dear brother and sister will starve to death! there will be no oil for you, no money, no free education, no free health, no free nothing….. so you will start saying oh where is Qaddafi we want Qaddafi back we do not like this regime but it is too late my friends….) But if the government is going to make this happen, you must first build structures in a bureaucracy whose officials are not familiar with the trappings of a modern state.

In Tripoli stock exchange, which has a market capitalization of only $ 3 billion compared with $ 56bn of Egypt, only 13 companies are registered. All but one are state banks and insurance companies. Officials complain that there can not attract investment because no regulator. Furthermore, a decree issued in 2012, which limits foreign control of companies registered in Libya, 49% has deterred many foreign investors.

The lack of infrastructure is another hindrance to development. Raed Mohamed, president of the largest company in Libya, Al-Naseem dairy Misurata, said his factory functions only because it has its own power supply, water treatment plants and wastewater, instead of having to rely on municipal facilities.

Libyan security and exacerbate economic problems among themselves, driving the youth militia checkpoints have few job prospects. Meanwhile, violence and gangsterism deter militia Business: Zone Misurata Society, which operates the largest free zone in the country, wants to encourage European companies to ship goods to sub-Saharan Africa through its hub, but admits that security in the long desert roads south across the Sahara must be ensured.

Dogs traitors serving NATO and U.S.

The largest party, the National Alliance Forces (NFA), is the distrust of many Libyans by the preponderance of Gaddafi era figures in their ranks, as party leader and former Prime Minister Mahmoud Jibril rebel. He deserted his post as key economic adviser of Gaddafi as the rebellion of 2011 gained momentum.

The NFA opposes the Muslim Brotherhood, the ruling Justice and Construction, which ranked second in July 2012 elections – his opponents accuse him of being too close to Qatar, which denies any link. The fear of interference by foreign powers is a constant in the minds of Libya, a reminder of his long and bitter experience under Ottoman, Italian, German and British rulers in the past.

An added complication for coalition-building efforts was the success of the July elections, which saw high turnout and little violence. Foreign observers praised the process, which the United Nations had helped organize for their transparency. The parliament is structured to give 80 seats to party list candidates, and 120 constituencies for elections independent – therefore, resulted in a set that is both highly fragmented and very representative.

“We have three main groups here,” said Mohammed Sammu independent congressman, elected by former pro-rebel suburb east of Tripoli, Suq al-Juma. ”The NFA, the Brotherhood and independent. The problem is that the composition of these groups change [s] all the time.”

Stalling political transition

The political transition process was drawn in August 2011 by the former rebel government, the National Transitional Council: elections expected in June 2012, leading to the election of a parliament and cabinet, separately, the appointment and the supervision of a committee of 60 people to draft a constitution for approval in a referendum to be held in late 2012. Approval would open the way for new elections in the spring of 2013 to any institution established by the Constitution.

Instead, Parliament was involved in the constitutional debate, its members aware of the almost daily protests outside the chamber by a wide range of Libyans frustrated by the slow pace of reform.Congress reached an impasse on the question of how the 60-strong committee should be structured: some legislators favored the election of constitutional experts, while others argued that members should be equally divided along provincial lines. Unable to resolve the deadlock, Congress voted in early February by the committee of 60 people to be elected directly, giving a three-member committee with the task of resolving the regional conflict Congress itself could not solve effectively and stagnant transition to democracy, at least one year.

Once chosen, the commission will have to solve a second argument among Islamists, who want the constitution indebted to Islamic law, and the Liberals, who are pushing for enshrining individual rights and equality of women, particularly .

 No date for the election of the committee is established. But the lack of public confidence in Congress revealed on February 3, when 16 civil war invalids occupied the house of Congress, complaining that their pensions had not been paid. Congress decided that it had no obligation to use the police to evict them, and chose instead to move to a nearby hotel for their sessions.

Optimists point between the diplomatic community to unprecedented street celebrations held to mark the second anniversary of the rebellion as evidence of the high degree of consensus among Libyans reform agenda can be agreed.  Many foreign companies withdrew from staff, and militias, willingly, had set up checkpoints in major cities, fearing violence from former supporters of Gaddafi, but celebrations passed without incident.

Optimists, Libyans and foreigners, also insist the time is on the side of Libya. Oil production has been restored to near the pre-war level of 1.6 million barrels per day, enough to fund the generous subsidy system and a bloated public sector that ensures a basic standard of living for all Libyans. There are no reliable opinion polls results are available, but anecdotal evidence suggests that the Libyans, while frustrated with the slow pace of change and suspicious of government, we remain committed to the ideals of representative government and personal freedoms. Contradictory attitudes of the Libyan population, both in support of democracy in theory and criticism of their performance in practice, complicate the task of making long-term predictions for the successful transition of Libya.